Trip Report by Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter
to Israel, Palestine, Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan:
Rosalynn, Jeff, and I arrived in Israel Sunday, 4/13/08,
after a very exciting and successful election monitoring
mission in Nepal (see prior trip report). Since Israel had
declined to approve a previously planned visit by three
of us Elders (Kofi Annan, Mary Robinson, and me), I
expected a similar negative reaction when I substituted
this trip on behalf of The Carter Center. Sure enough, all
my requests to meet with ministers of the government
were publicly rejected and, more seriously, three requests
from our Secret Service detail to work with Israeli security
were rejected. This was our first experience of this kind in
more than 125 foreign nations we've visited since leaving
the White House. (After several news stories on this subject,
when we returned to Israel, Shin Bet security met us at the
airport and worked with us.)
We were met in Tel Aviv by Bob Pastor, former Congressman
Steve Solarz, and Hrair Balian, who arrived on a plane furnished
by Jeff Skoll, and we proceeded together to the King David Hotel
in Jerusalem. My first event was an extensive interview with
Ha'aretz newspaper, and I was able to convince them that we
were undeterred, that the challenges were the reason we
decided on our trip, and to explain our reasoning and basic
purposes. Luckily, in a democracy like Israel, there are
numerous sources of information from private citizens who
are experts on government policies and attitudes. Also, official
Israeli policies are well known.
President Shimon Peres did agree to meet on a personal basis
just with the members of our family, and we had a very pleasant
and congenial exchange of ideas. Later, one of his aides reported
untruthfully that it was a harsh exchange and that I was scolded
by him about our plans to meet Hamas. Our next meeting was
with Noam and Aviva Schalit, parents of the young Israeli
soldier who has been held for about 18 months by the
Palestinians in Gaza. We pledged to do our best to learn
about his condition and to aid in his release.
After a much-needed rest, we began the next day with a
breakfast briefing by two Israeli public opinion researchers
on their latest information about Israeli Jews. To summarize,
Israelis are fairly satisfied with the status quo, have little
confidence in the peace negotiators on either side, are
deliberately uninformed about the plight of the Palestinians,
and (surprisingly) are much more concerned in the negotiations
for peace with the Palestinians about the "right of return" than
about settlements or Jerusalem. U.S. Consul General Jacob
Walles gave us a briefing about the seemingly limited role the
U.S. State Department plays in the Occupied Territories. The
Israelis are very restrictive, costs of required security in the
West Bank are high, and they do not have access to Gaza. We
later learned from several sources that there are some
fundamental differences between the State Department and
the NSC/ White House, and as in most Administrations, the
White House view prevails.
We had an informative meeting with Yossi Beilin, founder of
the Meretz political party and co-author of the Geneva peace
proposal. Soon after, to our surprise, he held a press conference
and quoted me (accurately) on several subjects. Our next
stop was Sderot, a town of about 20,000 that is near Gaza
and has had about two Qassam missiles strike it each day
for the past seven years, but the larger proportion has
come in the last year. Thirteen people have been killed by the
small and inaccurate rockets, and the town is traumatized by
the daily attacks. The streets, playgrounds, etc. were empty,
and about 3,000 residents have moved away. We looked at
nearby Gaza from a hilltop and then had a long discussion
with several citizens and Mayor Eli Moyal in his office. He
said that there were two ways for a government to protect
its people: by diplomacy or military action - and the Israelis
were doing neither for his town. We toured the Berzilai hospital
in Ashkelon, where trauma victims are brought from Gaza and
Israeli communities, with no distinctions between Jews and
Arabs. Psychological injuries are most prevalent.
After driving back to Tel Aviv, I spoke to an audience at an
Internet convention and engaged in a forum discussion with
Ha'aretz reporter David Landau. Our next meeting was with
the families of the two soldiers captured by Hezbollah, who
have had no indication of whether they are still alive.
Back at our hotel, we had an intriguing discussion with about
a dozen distinguished Israelis, who have held major positions
in intelligence, government, or the military or who are experts
in their personal careers relating to the peace effort. At the end
of the session, I felt that most of them approved of my pending
visit with Hamas and Syria. Collectively, the group had many
years of experience in dealing with the Palestinians and other
Arabs, in addition to studying the attitude and history of
Israelis over the years.
On Tuesday, 4/15, we drove to Ramallah, where Tim Rothermel
in our Carter Center office hosted meetings. We were briefed by
staff members of the Palestinian Authority who are advising
negotiating teams, but found that they are excluded from the
top tier of negotiating, either at the Abbas-Olmert level or
even the discussion of "road map" issues. We received some
interesting polling data from Dr. Nader Said, which showed no
confidence in the current negotiations and rising anger. About
50 members of the diplomatic corps joined us for a reception,
and seemed supportive of our mission. They were, almost by
definition, sympathetic with the Palestinians.
Perhaps the most emotional event of our entire trip was a
meeting with young people, mostly of college age. The
description of their deprivations and persecution was appalling,
and their determination and hope for a better life brought tears
to our eyes. They and their families had had citizenship rights
taken away even though born and raised in Ramallah, Jericho,
or Nablus, just because they may have visited or studied
elsewhere. Many relatives were imprisoned for years
because of some non-violent political activity. Including women
and children, the Israelis now hold 11,600 prisoners, and about
25 percent of the entire Palestinian populations have been
arrested.
After a brief ceremony at Arafat's grave, we had an extensive
discussion with Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad, who
is a very impressive leader. Among other things, he expressed
hope for reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah, but we knew
that President Mahmoud Abbas has been told by the U.S. and
Israel that the peace talks will end and all funding cut off if he
makes this move. He emphasized, quite emotionally, "Unless
America stops the Israelis from expanding settlements, there
can be no peace. Not one more brick!" has become his mantra.
The Prime Minister gave us some suggestions for our meetings
with Hamas leaders.
We then had lunch with about a dozen distinguished Palestinian
leaders from both political parties. I embraced Eyad Sarraj, a
courageous human rights leader from Gaza, who I've known,
but the press thought he was one of the people from Hamas,
and it became a worldwide news story that I embraced a Hamas
leader. (Of 43 Hamas candidates elected to the Palestinian
parliament from the West Bank, 41 are in prison.) After other
meetings during the afternoon, we returned to East Jerusalem
for a session with the Israel-Palestine Business Council, a group
attempting to demonstrate that trade and commerce between
the two are both possible and profitable.
On Wednesday, we met first with Avigdor Liebeman, leader of
"Israel Our Home." He believes that Jews and Arabs should be
completely separated, with Israeli Arabs moved east into the
West Bank and Jewish settlers returned back to Israel. We
then met with the NGO Peace Forum, a room full of
representatives from about 120 groups from Israel and
Palestine who are striving for peace. As expected, they all
supported our mission, and I advised them to concentrate
their diverse efforts around the acceptance of the
Geneva Accords.
U.S. General Dayton and his multinational staff gave us a
briefing as best they could while avoiding all the subjects
they are forbidden to discuss. He has been in the region
for 2½ years, is obviously dedicated and competent, and
has had to accommodate frequent changes in his assigned
duties each time there have been different circumstances
on the ground. A major project now is to train a professional
security force in Jordan. They have just completed training
of a 600-person battalion.
Our next meeting was quite interesting, with Deputy Prime
Minister and Minister of Industry and Trade Eli Yishai. He
is leader of Shas, a conservative religious group of 11 Knesset
members that is dedicated to peace – and holding on to all of
Jerusalem. He was very interested in our mission, expressed
no opposition, and asked us to help arrange a meeting with
Hamas leaders for himself in order to orchestrate the release
of Corporal Schalit. He was the only member of the Israeli
cabinet willing to meet with me.
Our last stop before flying to Egypt was Hadassah Hospital,
where wonderful medical work is being done and the main
emphasis seems to be on peace between Israelis and Arabs.
The patients and also the staff include Jews and Arabs from
both Israel and Palestine.
In Cairo, we received an excellent briefing from U.S.
Ambassador Ricciardone concerning U.S.-Egypt relations
and the ongoing negotiations between Egypt and Hamas
on behalf of Israel and the U.S. This was his last day on
this assignment, and we attended a going-away reception
for him.
Our first meeting on Thursday was with Osamah al-Baz,
who was my key Egyptian negotiator at Camp David and
the closest confidante of Anwar Sadat. Although no longer
active in government, he is one of the wisest and most
knowledgeable people I know. Next, we had an intriguing
session with Chief of Intelligence Omar Soliman, who is in
total charge of all the relations with Hamas. Through him,
the U.S. and Israel are negotiating with Hamas while
publicly denying any relationship. He was extremely
impressive. His position gives him an excellent insight
into the intricacies of Middle East political and military
affairs.
During an elaborate luncheon with President Hosni
Mubarak and his wife Suzanne (old friends), we discussed
former times and how much Egypt has been blessed by the
peace treaty with Israel. Not engaged in warfare, having
their land and oil wells returned, and being a special friend
of the U.S., Egypt is thriving. With the president and prime
minister, I probed for some more tolerant policies toward
non-violent and secular political opponents in coming elections.
Our meeting with Hamas leaders, Mahmoud Al-Zahar,
Siad Siam, and Ahmed Yousef went on for more than
three hours. Well briefed by Mr. Soliman, we made full use
of this time. My primary goal was to induce them to stop all
rocket attacks against Israeli civilians, to be flexible in
negotiating for a prisoner exchange involving Schalit's
release, to accept the basic control premises for the
opening of the Rafah gate between Gaza and the Sinai, to
be open to the idea of a possible non-partisan government
of technocrats, and to agree to accept any agreement
negotiated between Abu Mazen and Olmert provided it is
then approved by Palestinians, perhaps in a referendum.
I also delivered requests from Israeli Deputy
Prime Minister Yishai and Yossi Beilin to meet with
Hamas leaders. It was an amicable and interesting
discussion, and helped to prepare us for the meeting in
Damascus with Mashaal. In all discussions, Rosalynn,
Bob Pastor, and Congressman Solarz played a crucial role.
In the evening, I gave a lecture to a packed crowd at the
American University of Cairo and an-swered their
questions as frankly as I could.
On Friday, we flew to Damascus, where our first official
event was a delightful luncheon with
President Bashar al Assad and his wife Asma. Although
I had known him as a college student, this was our first
meeting since he inherited the office after his father died.
In the meantime, Bob, Steve, and Hrair met with
Foreign Minister Walid Mualem and his deputy, Faysal Mekdad.
We then assembled at the presidential palace for a thorough
discussion of all the important issues: Golan Heights, Lebanon,
Iran, and U.S.-Syrian relations. Assad was very eager to
resume peace talks with Israel, if strongly supported by
the U.S. The only precondition would be public acknowledgement
that the discussions were being held. The most significant
discovery was the obvious personal strength and mastery
of details by the young president. He also promised that all
the seven imprisoned human rights activists would be released
if they request clemency.
We then had a long meeting, before and after supper, with
Mashaal and top leaders in the Hamas politburo. I pursued
as forcefully as possible the same issues as before, including
steps they might take to reduce tension, to resolve some
current conflicts with Israel, and to enhance the prospects
for progress in the peace talks underway between Israel and
the Palestinians representing the PLO. Mashaal and I left
before midnight, with Bob, Steve, and Hrair to continue
detailed discussions with the remaining Hamas politburo
members and to seek written understandings on the issues.
We reassembled the following morning to continue our talks,
and Mashaal and I agreed on wording of our points, which he
said he would submit to the top Hamas leaders, including those
from Gaza, and would give us their response to our proposals
before our final press conference Monday morning in Israel.
Our plane had a flat tire, but we were given a substitute by
President Assad and were able to proceed, on time, to
Saudi Arabia. We first met with Prince Turki al-Faisal at the
King Faisal Foundation, and were able to share information
about our trip and his analysis of various issues of common
interest. A major conference was underway at his center on
how to resolve the Iraqi quandary. We then visited with
King Abdullah for about 45 minutes, who interrupted his
weekly session with private Saudi citizens. When I returned
to our hotel suite, Saudi's ambassador to the U.S., H.E.
Adel Al-Jubair , called to say that his majesty was making a
nice contribution for our health work in Africa.
During the evening we had dinner with
Prince Alwalid bin Talal and toured his estate. The next morning
we proceeded to Jordan (in the prince's plane) for a visit with
King Abdullah II, Foreign Minister Salah Eddin al Bashir,
and other ministers. They were quite critical of Hamas, Syria,
and Iran, but also with the lack of progress and apparent lack
of commitment to the peace talks between Israel and Palestine.
The king will express his concerns in an upcoming visit to
Washington. After a meeting with Adnan abu Odeh we flew to
Israel, where we finally received protection from Israel's
superb security force. During the night, we received responses
to our suggestions and questions from the
com-bined Hamas leadership.
Monday morning we first met with Palestinian Prime Minister
Salam Fayyad and then Shas leader Eli Yishai, to whom we
outlined the results of our trip. We prepared a presentation
for me to make to a conference sponsored by the
Israeli Council on Foreign Relations. Although repeating some
of the above, this is the report, slightly revised, that I made to
an audience mostly of Israeli leaders, foreign diplomats, and
the news media:
"During the past eight days, we traveled to Israel, the
West Bank, Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan and
met with distinguished leaders of each nation – from
government, business, academia, and civil society. We
visited the Hadassah Hospital in Jerusalem and a hospital
in Ashkelon where we saw Israeli and Palestinian
doc-tors treating patients from Israel and Palestine equally
– a positive sign of what the future could hold if peace is achieved.
"We knew that some of our meetings – particularly with
Hamas and the Syrian government – would be viewed
negatively in some quarters. The problem is not that we
met them, but that the U.S. and Israeli governments
refuse to meet with them, making peace harder if not
impossible to achieve.
"In Israel, we visited Sderot and Ashkelon and saw the
despair and fear due to the barrage of rockets. Aiming these
rockets at civilian communities is an act of terrorism, and we
urged Hamas to stop. I also visited the Palestinian territories
and spoke to families who have lost their loved ones through
violence and imprisonment. Most others are impeded from
going to work, to school, or to worship because of the intruding
wall and a plethora of road blocks. This too is unacceptable.
"On this 60th anniversary of the independence of Israel,
I acknowledge a personal sadness that, during 30 years
since Camp David, only Jordan has recognized Israel. I am
glad that President Bush and Secretary Rice have pledged to
complete a peace agreement by the end of the year. I hope
that such an agreement will set the stage for wider recognition
of Israel and acceptance of a sovereign Palestinian state. Our
talks in Syria have led us to conclude that peace with Israel
could be within reach, with Syria being the next country to
recognize Israel if an agreement is reached.
"Allow me to offer some tentative conclusions
based on our many meetings:
1. Public Opinion: Despair. A substantial majority of Israeli
and Palestinian citizens and political leaders share the view
that the peace negotiations are not making any progress and
are unlikely to succeed. Palestinians are convinced that the
Israeli government is more focused on expanding settlements
than in making peace. Israelis fear more Palestinian attacks.
When hope for peace declines and frustration increases,
some people begin to turn to violence as the only path, and
recent public opinion polls in the West Bank and Gaza suggest
this is happening.
2. The State of Peace Talks and the Roadmap. Four levels of
talks are occurring:
(a) between President Abbas and Prime
Minister Olmert on final status issues;
(b) between
Ahmed Qurai and Tzipi Livni on the same issues, though in
more detail;
(c) between technical teams on both sides; and
(d) among Prime Minister Fayyad, Minister Ehud Barak,
and U.S. General Fraser on monitoring the roadmap.
President Abbas recently deplored the lack of progress on
the major status issues, and without concrete progress at
that level there is no chance that the next two levels can
be productive. Minister Barak did not even attend the
recent session convened by General Fraser to review the
roadmap. One possible reason is that he had nothing
positive to report. Indeed, not only does there appear to
be no progress on the final status issues, but there is
regression on the roadmap. Since Annapolis, about 9,000
more settlements have been announced and are being
expanded or built; more roadblocks and checkpoints have
gone up; and Gaza is increasingly isolated as a prison for
1.5 million Palestinians. On the Pales-tinian side, according
to U.S. General Dayton, there has been progress in the
West Bank under the Palestinian Authority in the training
of security forces.
3. Palestinian Desperation. The impression of no progress
on final status issues, combined with the expansion of
settlements and roadblocks, have left the Palestinians
increasingly angry. In a meeting we had with young leaders
in the West Bank, several mentioned a "third intifada," based
on the feeling that peace is not possible and the facts on the
ground are growing worse. They did not defend the position
taken by some of their friends on the need for violence, but
they understand it. The danger is that most Israelis seem
unaware of this growing crisis.
4. Five Interlocking Conflicts. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict
lies at the center of other crises or challenges in the
Middle East: intra-Palestinian; Syria-Israel; Lebanon;
and Iran's growing influence. While each crisis needs to
be addressed on its own, none of them can be solved
without addressing or at least taking account of the others.
5. Comprehensive Peace. For peace in the Middle East
to be sustainable, it needs to be comprehensive. This means
that one needs to relate each crisis to the other, but it also
means that actors with an obvious stake in the conflict need
to have a stake in finding a solution. Groups such as Hamas
view themselves as seeking liberation, but their role is viewed
by some as using terrorism to undermine the prospects for peace.
Syria, which we believe is ready to negotiate peace with Israel
and normal relations with the United States, should also be
permitted a place in the overall peace process lest they
seek to subvert it.
6. Neighbors. All of Israel's neighbors believe they have much at
stake in the success of the negotiations. Egypt is mediating between
Hamas and Israel, and Saudi Arabia and Jordan have played
key roles in assisting the peace process. And yet all are deeply
worried that the negotiations will not succeed, and the effect
on the region will be devastating. In our meeting,
King Abdullah II of Jordan stressed the absence of tangible
progress in the ongoing peace negotiations, and especially the
need for stopping the expansion of settlements.
"We did not come as mediators or negotiators, and have
been careful not to interfere in the principal peace negotiations.
But we think there is a role in listening closely to two excluded
actors – Hamas and the Syrian Government – and offering
ideas on ways that they could take a more productive road
to peace. Our conclusion is that there are good reasons to
believe that such a strategy can yield constructive
involvement by them, but it will take considerable
time and patience.
"Let me focus my remarks on the two most controversial sets of meetings.
Hamas. I understand why Israel and other governments are
reluctant to engage Hamas. They have not yet agreed to accept
Israel's peaceful existence; they have not renounced violence;
and they do not accept previous peace agreements. In our
judgment, Hamas should accept all three points, but we do not
believe peace is likely and we are certain peace is not
sustainable unless a way can be found to ensure that
Hamas will not disrupt the peace negotiations.
"The current strategy of isolating and suppressing Hamas and
persecuting the people of Gaza is not working. It only
exacerbates the cycle of violence, and latest polls show that it
increases the relative popularity of Hamas throughout Palestine.
Some feel that my meeting with Hamas legitimized them, but
their legitimacy came when a plurality of the Palestinian people
voted for them in the 2006 elections, which I observed. Israelis
know that Hamas won a majority of parliamentary seats, and a
recent poll of Israeli citizens indicates strong support (64 percent)
for direct Israel-Hamas talks.
"We have no illusions that our brief meetings will stop the
violence or produce peace, but we needed to take that first
step. It is clear from our conversations that their views, as
well as those of Israelis, need to be tested by regular
exchanges, such as occurred in the many years of Track
II diplomacy with the PLO.
"Violence freezes adversaries in a counterproductive posture.
Israelis think the Palestinians will never accept Israel and
Palestinians believe that Israel will never accept a genuinely
independent Palestine. We think both are wrong and trust
Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas to find their path
to a two-state solution.
"I met with Hamas leaders from the West Bank, Gaza, and
Damascus. After all-day discussions among their leaders,
they agreed that they would accept a two-state solution on
the 1967 borders if approved by Palestinians – a departure
from long-standing Hamas doctrine that refused to recognize
the possibility of two states living side-by-side in peace. This
may be a very significant change.
"Specifically, they agreed to these exact words: "If President
Abbas succeeds in negotiating a final status agreement with
Israel, Hamas will accept the decision made by the
Palestinian people and their will through a referendum
monitored by international observers, including those
from the Carter Center, or by a newly elected Palestinian
National Council by mechanisms agreed upon nationally,
even if Hamas is opposed to the agreement. In order to
ensure that the referendum can be debated and the choice
by voters truly reflects the will of the Palestinian people,
a national reconciliation and, in particular, between Fatah
and Hamas will be necessary.
"Let me underscore the significance of the statement.
It means that Hamas will not undermine Abbas' efforts to
negotiate the agreement, and whatever position Hamas
chooses to take on the agreement, Hamas will accept
an agreement if the Palestinian people support it by a
free vote. If the agreement calls for a two-state solution
and the recognition of Israel and Palestine, Hamas will,
in effect, accept Israel's right to exist in peace - if the people
agree on the plan.
"Hamas leaders said they did not want violence, but they
believed it was necessary to end the occupation. However,
they did say they would consider alternative strategies,
including non-violence, to achieve their goal of a sovereign
Palestinian state.
"In our meetings with Hamas, we made the following
additional points:
1. We pressed them hard on a cease-fire. They are negotiating
with Egypt, and we urged them to move rapidly to bring the
negotiations to a successful conclusion.
2. We proposed a rapid exchange of prisoners, involving the
early transfer of Corporal Schalit to Egypt in exchange for a
group of prisoners not guilty of serious crimes, including all
the women and children. Hamas considered their negotiations
through Egypt to be well advanced and including prisoners
whose families had been promised a high priority on their list to
be swapped. Mr. Mashaal assured us that Schalit is well and
promised a new letter from him to his parents, to be delivered
through The Carter Center. Also, Schalit will be transferred to
Egypt as an intermediate step in the exchange.
3. Hamas urged that the border crossing at Rafah be reopened.
The crossing would be monitored by the Palestinian Authority,
Hamas, the European Union, and Egypt. Final decisions would
be made by Egyptian officials.
4. Hamas is prepared to consider with President Abbas an
idea of creating a government of national consensus, with a
unified and nonpartisan professional security force for the
West Bank and Gaza. There would be a cabinet composed
of technocrats belonging neither to Fatah or Hamas, but
approved by both. This non-partisan group would govern
until the scheduled elections in 2010.
5. The leaders of Hamas asked me to express their greatest
concern with the terrible suffering of the Palestinian people
and reiterated that the basis for peace would be the
fulfillment of Palestinians' national right of
self-determination and the establishment of a
sovereign Palestinian state on the 1967 borders.
"Syria. Communications between Israel and the United
States with Syria are almost non-existent, and relations
have been strained when not hostile. The United States
and Israel brand Syria as a supporter of terrorism through
its cooperation with Iran and the funding and support for
Hamas and Hezbollah. Furthermore, the two governments
view Syria as undermining the stability of Lebanon and the
selection of a President. In our conversations, the Syrian
government seemed determined to correct these allegations.
Senior government officials pledged to complete an agreement
on the Golan Heights and peace with Israel as soon as possible.
The government took very seriously the recent comment by
Prime Minister Ehud Olmert that he understood Syrian
expectations, and he thought Syria understood Israeli
expectations. Since the Syrian government considers that
about 85 percent of the issues have been resolved in prior
negotiations, it believes the agreement should be completed
soon. In Syria's view, there has been agreement on the
borders, riparian rights as they apply to the Sea of Galilee,
security zones and the presence of international forces.
"The United States has three options. It can continue to
oppose such peace talks, which will make it impossible to
achieve peace. It can play a neutral role, but that won't be
enough. Finally, the U.S. could play a positive and
constructive role, as proposed by the Syrian government,
and we hope it does. On Lebanon, Syria ac-knowledges that
it has some influence but insists that it is no longer playing a
large role, as it did when it had troops there, and that the
key to the solution is a national dialogue in which the various
parties reach a consensus. In effect, this means that on critical
issues (constitutional, economic policy, security), the
government should ne-gotiate an agreement with the
opposition parties that represent 45 percent of the
parliament, including Hezbollah.
"In brief, Syria has influence over four of the conflicts that we
have been discussing: Syria-Israel; Israel-Palestine;
Intra-Palestine; and Lebanon. A successful negotiation on each
will have positive effects on the other, and conversely, failure
to reach agreement on one would make it harder to solve the
others. If there is an agree-ment between Israel and Palestine
and reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas, then there is no
longer any need for Syria to help Hamas; and if there is a
consensus on Lebanon, there is no need to support Hezbollah.
And finally, if the United States decides to support the
negotiations with Israel, then U.S. concerns with Syria's
performance will be addressed.
"In Syria, we raised our concerns about the people
imprisoned for signing the Damascus Declaration, and
President Bashar al-Assad said that there were only seven
still being held from the original 90 detained. He said that
if they sought clemency, they would receive it. We also asked
him about Guy Hever, the young Israeli soldier who has been
missing since August 1997, and he said they had no evidence
of his whereabouts. We asked about Ehud Goldwasser and
Eldad Regev who were captured by Hezbollah at the
beginning of the war. The Syrian government has no
information on them.
Conclusion
"In conclusion, we agree with President Abbas' recent
statement that the final status negotiations are moving so
slowly, with so few obvious results, that it is very unlikely
negotiations will be completed by the deadline at the end
of the year. This conclusion is widely shared, and may
prove to be tragic. The combination of little or no progress on
final status issues and a regression on the roadmap issues –
settlements, checkpoints, etc. – and the closure of Gaza – all
this means that the frustration level among Palestinians may
be reaching the boiling point.
"Therefore, it is essential that we find an alternative and that
includes a ceasefire, exchange of prisoners, negotiations
between Israel and Syria and some rapprochement
between Fatah and Hamas.
"No important achievement has ever occurred in the
Middle East without taking a risk. I hope the Israeli
government, the Palestinian Authority, Hamas, and
the U.S. government are prepared to take risks for peace.
The transformation of Israel in sixty years has been wonderful
to behold. The next miracle for which we should all pray is
the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state that will live
in peace with Israel and will cooperate with all their neighbors
for the future of the region and its children. The Holy Land is
a place of miracles. It is time for the miracle of peace."
After answering a number of questions in the public forum,
I had a number of interviews in-cluding CNN, BBC, Al Jazeera,
Fox, Reuters, AP, AFP, Chicago Tribune, ABC, NPR, two Israeli
TV channels, New York Times, Washington Post, Newsweek,
and LA Times. Meetings with the leader of Arab Israelis,
Ahmed Tibi, Yossi Beilin, and former
Prime Minister Ben Amin concluded a very busy day.
Still not having a private plane, we departed Israel about
midnight on a Delta flight to Atlanta. As I had predicted to
Bob Pastor and Steve Solarz, the entire trip was exciting,
challenging, adventurous, adequately productive – and fun!
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