Showing posts with label Howard Zinn. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Howard Zinn. Show all posts

Israel and America Terrorize the World

American Palestinian

The history of wars fought since the end of World War II reveals the futility of large-scale violence.

By Howard Zinn

There is something important to be learned from the recent experience of the United States and Israel in the Middle East: that massive military attacks, inevitably indiscriminate, are not only morally reprehensible, but useless in achieving the stated aims of those who carry them out.

The United States, in three years of war, which began with shock-and- awe bombardment and goes on with day-to-day violence and chaos, has been an utter failure in its claimed objective of bringing democracy and stability to Iraq. The Israeli invasion and bombing of Lebanon has not brought security to Israel; indeed it has increased the number of its enemies, whether in Hezbollah or Hamas or among Arabs who belong to neither of those groups.

I remember John Hersey's novel, "The War Lover," in which a macho American pilot, who loves to drop bombs on people and also to boast about his sexual conquests, turns out to be impotent. President Bush, strutting in his flight jacket on an aircraft carrier and announcing victory in Iraq, has turned out to be much like the Hersey character, his words equally boastful, his military machine impotent.

The history of wars fought since the end of World War II reveals the futility of large-scale violence. The United States and the Soviet Union, despite their enormous firepower, were unable to defeat resistance movements in small, weak nations -- the United States in Vietnam, the Soviet Union in Afghanistan -- and were forced to withdraw.

Even the "victories" of great military powers turn out to be elusive. Presumably, after attacking and invading Afghanistan, the president was able to declare that the Taliban were defeated. But more than four years later, Afghanistan is rife with violence, and the Taliban are active in much of the country.

The two most powerful nations after World War II, the United States and the Soviet Union, with all their military might, have not been able to control events in countries that they considered to be in their sphere of influence -- the Soviet Union in Eastern Europe and the United States in Latin America.

Beyond the futility of armed force, and ultimately more important, is the fact that war in our time inevitably results in the indiscriminate killing of large numbers of people. To put it more bluntly, war is terrorism. That is why a "war on terrorism" is a contradiction in terms. Wars waged by nations, whether by the United States or Israel, are a hundred times more deadly for innocent people than the attacks by terrorists, vicious as they are.

The repeated excuse, given by both Pentagon spokespersons and Israeli officials, for dropping bombs where ordinary people live is that terrorists hide among civilians. Therefore the killing of innocent people (in Iraq, in Lebanon) is called accidental, whereas the deaths caused by terrorists (on 9/11, by Hezbollah rockets) are deliberate.

This is a false distinction, quickly refuted with a bit of thought. If a bomb is deliberately dropped on a house or a vehicle on the grounds that a "suspected terrorist" is inside (note the frequent use of the word suspected as evidence of the uncertainty surrounding targets), the resulting deaths of women and children may not be intentional. But neither are they accidental. The proper description is "inevitable."

So if an action will inevitably kill innocent people, it is as immoral as a deliberate attack on civilians. And when you consider that the number of innocent people dying inevitably in "accidental" events has been far, far greater than all the deaths deliberately caused by terrorists, one must reject war as a solution for terrorism.

For instance, more than a million civilians in Vietnam were killed by US bombs, presumably by "accident." Add up all the terrorist attacks throughout the world in the 20th century and they do not equal that awful toll.

If reacting to terrorist attacks by war is inevitably immoral, then we must look for ways other than war to end terrorism, including the terrorism of war. And if military retaliation for terrorism is not only immoral but futile, then political leaders, however cold-blooded their calculations, may have to reconsider their policies.

-Howard Zinn is a professor emeritus at Boston University and the author of the forthcoming book, "A Power Governments Cannot Suppress " (City Lights Books, Winter 2007). [Reproduced from Palestine Chronicle, 9/13/06]

Professor Zinn's other books are listed here]
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"There is no flag large enough to cover the shame of killing innocent people for a purpose which is unattainable." Howard Zinn, 1922 - 2010

American-human-rights-hero-Howard-Zinn-dies-at-87

American human rights hero, Boston University historian, political activist, early opponent of US involvement in Vietnam and leading faculty and critic of BU president John Silber, Dr. Howard Zinn died of a heart attack today in Santa Monica, California.

Dr. Zinn was a human rights defender active in the civil rights, civil liberties and anti-war movements in the United States, and wrote extensively on all three subjects.

Mark Feeney of the Boston Globe Staff wrote, "For Dr. Zinn, activism was a natural extension of the revisionist brand of history he taught. Dr. Zinn's best-known book, A People's History of the United States (1980), had for its heroes not the Founding Fathers -- many of them slaveholders and deeply attached to the status quo, as Dr. Zinn was quick to point out -- but rather the farmers of Shays' Rebellion and the union organizers of the 1930s."

Dr Zinn wrote in his autobiography, 'You Can't Be Neutral on a Moving Train' (1994):

From the start, my teaching was infused with my own history. I would try to be fair to other points of view, but I wanted more than 'objectivity'; I wanted students to leave my classes not just better informed, but more prepared to relinquish the safety of silence, more prepared to speak up, to act against injustice wherever they saw it. This, of course, was a recipe for trouble."

Dr. Zinn opposed the illegal invasion and occupation of Iraq, and wrote several books about it. He asserted that the U.S. will end its war with, and occupation of, Iraq when resistance within the military increases, the same way resistance within the military contributed to ending the U.S. war in Vietnam.

Dr. Zinn compared demand by a growing number of contemporary U.S. military families to end the war in Iraq to "the Confederacy in the Civil War, when the wives of soldiers rioted because their husbands were dying and the plantation owners were profiting from the sale of cotton, refusing to grow grains for civilians to eat."

Dr. Zinn argued that "There is no flag large enough to cover the shame of killing innocent people for a purpose which is unattainable."

Jean-Christophe Agnew, Professor of History and American Studies at Yale University, told the Yale Daily News in May 2007 that Zinn’s historical work is "highly influential and widely used". He observed that it is not unusual for prominent professors such as Zinn to weigh in on current events, citing a resolution opposing the war in Iraq that was recently ratified by the American Historical Association. Agnew added, “In these moments of crisis, when the country is split — so historians are split.

In April 2007, during a conference on the Cuban Five at Northeastern University in Boston, Howard Zinn opened his talk addressing the audience mostly of students and said,

Tonight you are so lucky, you will learn about something that most people in the United yStates are not aware of and that is the case of the Cuban Five". Later in his talk he referred to the imprisonment of the Five for defending their country against terrorism as "an unforgivable act of cruelt".

The Cuban Five Committee stated today, "While we mourn his passing, his legacy will continue in historians and writers who search for the truth instead of taking the line coming from Washington and the corporate media."

Dr. Zinn authored more than 20 books. He died January 27, 2010 of a heart attack at age 87, traveling in Santa Monica, California. He is survived by his daughter Myla Kabat-Zinn.

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Howard Zinn: Nobel Prize for promises?

I was dismayed when I heard Obama was given the Nobel Peace Prize.
A shock, really, to think that a president carrying on wars in two
countries and launching military action in a third country (Pakistan),
would be given a peace prize. But then I recalled that Woodrow Wilson,
Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Kissinger had all received Nobel Peace
Prizes. The Nobel Committee is famous for its superficial estimates and
for its susceptibility to rhetoric and empty gestures, while ignoring
blatant violations of world peace.Yes, Wilson gets credit for the League of Nations - that
ineffectual body which did nothing to prevent war. But he also
bombarded the Mexican coast, sent troops to occupy Haiti and the
Dominican Republic and brought the US into the slaughterhouse of Europe
in the first World War - surely, among stupid and deadly wars, at the
top of the list.

Sure, Theodore Roosevelt brokered a peace between Japan and Russia.
But he was a lover of war, who participated in the US conquest of Cuba,
pretending to liberate it from Spain while fastening US chains around
that tiny island. And as president he presided over the bloody war to
subjugate the Filipinos, even congratulating a US general who had just
massacred 600 helpless villagers in the Phillipines. The Committee did
not give the Nobel Prize to Mark Twain, who denounced Roosevelt and
criticized the war, nor to William James, leader of the
anti-imperialist league.

Oh yes, the Committee saw fit to give a peace prize to Henry
Kissinger, because he signed the final agreement ending the war in
Vietnam, of which he had been one of the architects. Kissinger, who
obsequiously went along with Nixon's expansion of the war with the
bombing of peasant villages in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. Kissinger,
who matches the definition of a war criminal very accurately, was given
a peace prize!

People should not be given a peace prize on the basis of promises
they have made (as with Obama, an eloquent maker of promises) but on
the basis of actual accomplishments towards ending war. Obama has
continued deadly, inhuman military action in Iraq, Afghanistan and
Pakistan.

The Nobel Peace Committee should retire, and turn over its huge
funds to some international peace organization which is not awed by
stardom and rhetoric, and which has some understanding of history.

--------

Howard Zinn is a historian, playwright and social activist, and has
received the Thomas Merton Award, the Eugene V. Debs Award, the Upton
Sinclair Award and the Lannan Literary Award. He is perhaps best known
for "A People's History of the United States."
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America’s Blinders

By Howard Zinn


Now that most Americans no longer believe in the war, now

that they no longer trust Bush and his Administration, now
that the evidence of deception has become overwhelming
(so overwhelming that even the major media, always late,
have begun to register indignation), we might ask:
How come so many people were so easily fooled?

The question is important because it might help us understand
why Americans—members of the media as well as the
ordinary citizen—rushed to declare their support as the
President was sending troops halfway around the world to Iraq.

A small example of the innocence (or obsequiousness, to
be more exact) of the press is the way it reacted to Colin
Powell’s presentation in February 2003 to the Security
Council, a month before the invasion, a speech which may
have set a record for the number of falsehoods told in one
talk. In it, Powell confidently rattled off his “evidence”:
satellite photographs, audio records, reports from informants,
with precise statistics on how many gallons of this and that
existed for chemical warfare. The New York Times was
breathless with admiration. The Washington Post editorial
was titled “Irrefutable” and declared that after Powell’s
talk “it is hard to imagine how anyone could doubt that
Iraq possesses weapons of mass destruction.”

It seems to me there are two reasons, which go deep
into our national culture, and which help explain the
vulnerability of the press and of the citizenry to
outrageous lies whose consequences bring death to
tens of thousands of people. If we can understand those
reasons, we can guard ourselves better against being deceived.

One is in the dimension of time, that is, an absence of
historical perspective. The other is in the dimension of
space, that is, an inability to think outside the boundaries
of nationalism. We are penned in by the arrogant idea that
this country is the center of the universe, exceptionally
virtuous, admirable, superior.

If we don’t know history, then we are ready meat for
carnivorous politicians and the intellectuals and journalists
who supply the carving knives. I am not speaking of the
history we learned in school, a history subservient to our
political leaders, from the much-admired Founding Fathers
to the Presidents of recent years. I mean a history which is
honest about the past. If we don’t know that history, then
any President can stand up to the battery of microphones,
declare that we must go to war, and we will have no basis
for challenging him. He will say that the nation is in danger,
that democracy and liberty are at stake, and that we must
therefore send ships and planes to destroy our new enemy,
and we will have no reason to disbelieve him.

But if we know some history, if we know how many times
Presidents have made similar declarations to the country,
and how they turned out to be lies, we will not be fooled.
Although some of us may pride ourselves that we were
never fooled, we still might accept as our civic duty the
responsibility to buttress our fellow citizens against the
mendacity of our high officials.

We would remind whoever we can that President Polk lied
to the nation about the reason for going to war with Mexico
in 1846. It wasn’t that Mexico “shed American blood upon
the American soil,” but that Polk, and the slave-owning
aristocracy, coveted half of Mexico.

We would point out that President McKinley lied in 1898
about the reason for invading Cuba, saying we wanted to
liberate the Cubans from Spanish control, but the truth is
that we really wanted Spain out of Cuba so that the island
could be open to United Fruit and other American
corporations. He also lied about the reasons for our war in
the Philippines, claiming we only wanted to “civilize” the
Filipinos, while the real reason was to own a valuable piece
of real estate in the far Pacific, even if we had to kill hundreds
of thousands of Filipinos to accomplish that.

President Woodrow Wilson—so often characterized in our
history books as an “idealist”—lied about the reasons for
entering the First World War, saying it was a war to “make
the world safe for democracy,” when it was really a war to make
the world safe for the Western imperial powers.

Harry Truman lied when he said the atomic bomb was dropped
on Hiroshima because it was “a military target.”

Everyone lied about Vietnam—Kennedy about the extent of
our involvement, Johnson about the Gulf of Tonkin, Nixon
about the secret bombing of Cambodia, all of them claiming
it was to keep South Vietnam free of communism, but really
wanting to keep South Vietnam as an American outpost at
the edge of the Asian continent.

Reagan lied about the invasion of Grenada, claiming falsely
that it was a threat to the United States.

The elder Bush lied about the invasion of Panama, leading to
the death of thousands of ordinary citizens in that country.

And he lied again about the reason for attacking Iraq in 1991—
hardly to defend the integrity of Kuwait (can one imagine
Bush heartstricken over Iraq’s taking of Kuwait?), rather to
assert U.S. power in the oil-rich Middle East.

Given the overwhelming record of lies told to justify wars,
how could anyone listening to the younger Bush believe him as
he laid out the reasons for invading Iraq? Would we not
instinctively rebel against the sacrifice of lives for oil?

A careful reading of history might give us another safeguard
against being deceived. It would make clear that there has
always been, and is today, a profound conflict of interest
between the government and the people of the United States.
This thought startles most people, because it goes against
everything we have been taught.

We have been led to believe that, from the beginning, as
our Founding Fathers put it in the Preamble to the
Constitution, it was “we the people” who established the
new government after the Revolution. When the eminent
historian Charles Beard suggested, a hundred years ago, that
the Constitution represented not the working people, not the
slaves, but the slaveholders, the merchants, the bondholders,
he became the object of an indignant editorial in The
New York Times.

Our culture demands, in its very language, that we accept a
commonality of interest binding all of us to one another.
We mustn’t talk about classes. Only Marxists do that, although
James Madison, “Father of the Constitution,” said, thirty years
before Marx was born that there was an inevitable conflict in
society between those who had property and those
who did not.

Our present leaders are not so candid. They bombard us with
phrases like “national interest,” “national security,” and “national
defense” as if all of these concepts applied equally to all of us,
colored or white, rich or poor, as if General Motors and
Halliburton have the same interests as the rest of us, as if George
Bush has the same interest as the young man or woman
he sends to war.

Surely, in the history of lies told to the population, this is the biggest lie.
In the history of secrets, withheld from the American people,
this is the biggest secret: that there are classes with different
interests in this country. To ignore that—not to know that the
history of our country is a history of slaveowner against slave,
landlord against tenant, corporation against worker, rich against
poor—is to render us helpless before all the lesser lies told to
us by people in power.

If we as citizens start out with an understanding that these
people up there—the President, the Congress, the Supreme
Court, all those institutions pretending to be “checks and
balances”—do not have our interests at heart, we are on a
course towards the truth. Not to know that is to make us helpless
before determined liars.

The deeply ingrained belief—no, not from birth but from
the educational system and from our culture in general—
that the United States is an especially virtuous nation makes us
especially vulnerable to government deception. It starts early,
in the first grade, when we are compelled to “pledge allegiance”
(before we even know what that means), forced to proclaim
that we are a nation with “liberty and justice for all.”

And then come the countless ceremonies, whether at the ballpark
or elsewhere, where we are expected to stand and bow our heads
during the singing of the “Star-Spangled Banner,” announcing that
we are “the land of the free and the home of the brave.”
There is also the unofficial national anthem “God Bless America,”
and you are looked on with suspicion if you ask why we would
expect God to single out this one nation—just 5 percent of the
world’s population—for his or her blessing.

If your starting point for evaluating the world around you is
the firm belief that this nation is somehow endowed by
Providence with unique qualities that make it morally superior
to every other nation on Earth, then you are not likely to
question the President when he says we are sending our
troops here or there, or bombing this or that, in order to
spread our values—democracy, liberty, and let’s not forget
free enterprise—to some God-forsaken (literally) place in the
world. It becomes necessary then, if we are going to protect
ourselves and our fellow citizens against policies that will be
disastrous not only for other people but for Americans too,
that we face some facts that disturb the idea of a uniquely
virtuous nation.

These facts are embarrassing, but must be faced if we are
to be honest. We must face our long history of ethnic cleansing,
in which millions of Indians were driven off their land by means
of massacres and forced evacuations. And our long history,
still not behind us, of slavery, segregation, and racism. We
must face our record of imperial conquest, in the Caribbean
and in the Pacific, our shameful wars against small countries
a tenth our size: Vietnam, Grenada, Panama, Afghanistan, Iraq.
And the lingering memory of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
It is not a history of which we can be proud.

Our leaders have taken it for granted, and planted that
belief in the minds of many people, that we are entitled,
because of our moral superiority, to dominate the world.
At the end of World War II, Henry Luce, with an arrogance
appropriate to the owner of Time, Life, and Fortune,
pronounced this “the American century,” saying that victory
in the war gave the United States the right “to exert upon
the world the full impact of our influence, for such purposes
as we see fit and by such means as we see fit.”

Both the Republican and Democratic parties have
embraced this notion. George Bush, in his Inaugural
Address on January 20, 2005, said that spreading liberty
around the world was “the calling of our time.” Years
before that, in 1993, President Bill Clinton, speaking at a
West Point commencement, declared: “The values you
learned here . . . will be able to spread throughout this
country and throughout the world and give other people the
opportunity to live as you have lived, to fulfill your
God-given capacities.”

What is the idea of our moral superiority based on?
Surely not on our behavior toward people in other parts
of the world. Is it based on how well people in the United
States live? The World Health Organization in 2000 ranked
countries in terms of overall health performance, and the United
States was thirty-seventh on the list, though it spends more
per capita for health care than any other nation. One of five
children in this, the richest country in the world, is born in poverty.
There are more than forty countries that have better records on
infant mortality. Cuba does better. And there is a sure sign of
sickness in society when we lead the world in the number of
people in prison—more than two million.

A more honest estimate of ourselves as a nation would
prepare us all for the next barrage of lies that will accompany
the next proposal to inflict our power on some other part of
the world. It might also inspire us to create a different history
for ourselves, by taking our country away from the liars and
killers who govern it, and by rejecting nationalist arrogance,
so that we can join the rest of the human race in the
common cause of peace and justice.

Howard Zinn is the co-author, with Anthony Arnove, of
“Voices of a People’s History of the United States.”


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