|  | The Dimona attack could signal that Palestinian
groups will begin to ignore their leaders
and take action into their own hands [GALLO/GETTY] |
Moral judgments not withstanding, the suicide
bombing in Dimona on Monday is another chink in
the siege imposed on all Palestinians in the occupied
territories and it represents a continuity of the
Palestinian rebellion that breached the wall between
Gaza and Egypt last week.
The fact that two fighters succeeded in reaching Dimona
in the south of Israel after crossing over to Egypt last
week and then returning to conduct the operation is a
blow to Tel Aviv's claims that its siege of Hamas supporters
is working. The attacks were carried out by fighters - from Fatah
and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
(PFLP) - well outside the influence of Hamas, but who
felt solidarity with the besieged group and the people of Gaza. The involvement of non-Hamas fighters indicates that
groups outside Gaza are entering the Israel-Hamas
conflict. This effectively undermines Tel Aviv's position
that it is targeting Hamas only and Israel will now be
seen as waging war on all Palestinians. Strangled by closures, military incursions and killings,
it was just a matter of time before Palestinian groups
would resume attacks inside Israel.
In spite of divisions between Fatah and Hamas, the
rival movements find a commonality in that they are
both targeted by the Israeli military. Scenes broadcast around the world of a besieged Gaza,
and more significantly, those of its residents breaching
the wall between the strip and Egypt, stirred and inspired
Palestinians across the political and geographic divide.
Disgruntled within But what is most striking about the Dimona attack is
that the Fatah-aligned Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigades are
forcefully challenging Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian
president, and his policy of accommoding Israeli and
US interests. In their statement, the brigades saluted both Yasser
Arafat, the late Palestinian president, and present leader
Abbas, but in effect the deference to the president is an
implied protest against Salam Fayad, the current prime minister.
The Dimona attack itself is an indication of growing
disgruntlement within Fatah and the increasing view that
continued Israeli-Palestinian talks are futile, if not a cover
for Israeli acts against Palestinians.
In statements issued three weeks ago, the Brigades
called for Fayad's resignation, holding him responsible
for disarming their members. The so-called Fayad security plan involved convincing
the Brigades to turn in their arms and join the official
security forces in order to "deprive Israel from a pretext
to bomb West Bank towns". The plan collapsed in early January, when Israeli forces
launched a three-day military operation in Nablus, killing
and wounding Brigades members and civilians and
rounding up former Fatah fighters. At the time, a Brigades spokesman in Gaza
criticised Fayad and threatened his life. Undermined leadership 
Abbas has been criticised by fighters for
meeting Israelis during the Gaza siege
it is no secret that Fatah
leaders had decided to halt
suicide bombings and attacks
inside Israel. But the leadership
ability to enforce such directives
was undermined by continued
Israeli raids and the strangulating
siege of Gaza. Moreover, Fatah's Al Aqsa Brigades, do not answer to
a unified command, which is a sign of internal divisions,
chaos and disagreement with the political leadership.
According to well-informed Fatah sources, the Brigades
felt impotent and dispirited by the reluctance of the
Palestinian Authority to take action or even at the very
least to suspend talks with Israel over the unfolding
strangulation of the Gaza Strip.
The Brigades have felt partly deceived by Fayad, who
trusted Israeli promises that their military would
stop hunting them. They have also felt that promises of concrete steps
towards peace and the alleviation of Palestinian
suffering had been broken. This has contributed to building resentment within
Fatah. Supporters watched their political leaders
smile alongside their Israelis counterparts in photo
opportunities while the number of Palestinian
casualties mounted.
So while Israeli and even official Palestinian statements
condemned the Dimona attack and expressed concern
about "peace negotiations" - supposedly revived by the
Annapolis conference last December - a majority of
Palestinians say they have seen no evidence yet of
peace or security. Hamas, meanwhile, has been asserting itself - even among its
critics and opponents - as siding with the Gazan people, and
taking part, if not outright leading the breach of the Rafah
border last week. This was an act that deeply touched the
pride of the Palestinians.
Annapolis - the facade Many in the occupied territories now view
the Annapolis meeting as an international facade,
ushering in a new phase of fiercer - and with
increased impunity - US-backed Israeli aggression
and subjugation.
Israeli "incursions" and bombings in both the
Gaza Strip and the West Bank have killed more
than 141 Palestinians since the Annapolis meeting. Israel has also been conducting an average of
20-30 weekly incursions into the West Bank,
rounding up and killing members of Palestinians
groups, including Fatah.
Given the above, it is no surprise that a member
of Fatah executed the Dimona suicide bombing attack. In addition to expressing Palestinian anger,
Fatah has now partly reasserted its credentials as
a resistance movement. The attack itself could still be an isolated accident,
but it is not isolated in its expression of a building
Palestinian rebellion - reminiscent of the actions that
led to the 1987 and 2000 uprisings.
The difference today is that Palestinians not only
have to grapple with the separation wall but must
also challenge the internal walls that divide them. This could transform the stirrings of a popular
uprising into an outburst of anger without vision and
political leadership. | 
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