Towards a Geography of Peace: Whither Gaza?

Ilan Pappé, The Electronic Intifada, 18 June 2007

The Gaza Strip is a little bit more than two percent of Palestine. This
small detail is never mentioned whenever the Strip is in the news nor has it
been mentioned in the present Western media coverage of the dramatic events
unfolding in Gaza in the last few weeks. Indeed it is such a small part of
the country that it never existed as a separate region in the past. Gaza's
history before the Zionization of Palestine was not unique and it was always
connected administratively and politically to the rest of Palestine. It was
until 1948 for all intents and purposes an integral and natural part of the
country. As one of Palestine’s principal land and sea gates to the world, it
tended to develop a more flexible and cosmopolitan way of life; not
dissimilar to other gateways societies in the Eastern Mediterranean in the
modern era. This location near the sea and on the Via Maris to Egypt and
Lebanon brought with it prosperity and stability until this life was
disrupted and nearly destroyed by the Israeli ethnic cleansing of Palestine
in 1948.

In between 1948 and 1967, Gaza became a huge refugee camp restricted
severely by the respective Israeli and Egyptian policies: both states
disallowed any movement out of the Strip. Living conditions were already
harsh then as the victims of the 1948 Israeli politics of dispossession
doubled the number of the inhabitants who lived there for centuries. On the
eve of the Israeli occupation in 1967, the catastrophic nature of this
enforced demographic transformation was evident all over the Strip. This
once pastoral coastal part of southern Palestine became within two decades
one of the world's densest areas of habitation; without any adequate
economic infrastructure to support it.

The first twenty years of Israeli occupation at least allowed some movement
outside an area that was closed off as a war zone in the years 1948 to 1967.
Tens of thousand of Palestinians were permitted to join the Israeli labor
market as unskilled and underpaid workers. The price Israel demanded for
this slavery market was a total surrender of any national struggle or
agenda. When this was not complied with -- the 'gift' of laborers' movement
was denied and abolished. All these years leading to the Oslo accord in 1993
were marked by an Israeli attempt to construct the Strip as an enclave,
which the Peace Camp hoped would be either autonomous or part of Egypt and
the Nationalist camp wished to include in the Greater Eretz Israel they
dreamed of establishing instead of Palestine.

The Oslo agreement enabled the Israelis to reaffirm the Strip's status as a
separate geo-political entity -- not just outside of Palestine as a whole,
but also cut apart from the West Bank. Ostensibly, both the Gaza Strip and
the West Bank were under the Palestinian Authority but any human movement
between them depended on Israel's good will; a rare Israeli trait and which
almost disappeared when Benjamin Netanyahu came to power in 1996. Moreover,
Israel held, as it still does today, the water and electricity
infrastructure. Since 1993 it used, or rather abused, this possession in
order to ensure on the one hand the well-being of the Jewish settler
community there and on the other in order to blackmail the Palestinian
population into submission and surrender. The people of the Gaza Strip thus
vacillated in the last sixty years between being internees, hostages or
prisoners in an impossible human space.

It is within this historical context that we should view the violence raging
today in Gaza and reject the reference to the events there as a campaign in
the 'war against terror,' an instance of Islamic revivalism, a further proof
for al-Qadia’s expansionism, a seditious Iranian penetration into this part
of the world or another arena in the dreaded Clash of Civilizations (I
picked here only few out of many frequent adjectives used in the Western
media for describing the present crisis in Gaza). The origins of the mini
civil war in Gaza lie elsewhere. The recent history of the Strip, 60 years
of dispossession, occupation and imprisonment produced inevitably internal
violence such as we are witnessing today as it produced other unpleasant
features of life lived under such impossible conditions. In fact, it would
be fair to say that the violence, and in particular the internal violence,
is far less than one would have expected given the economic and social
conditions created by the genocidal Israeli policies in the last six years.

Power struggles among politicians, who enjoy the support of military
outfits, is indeed a nasty business that victimizes the society as a whole.
Part of what goes on in Gaza is such a struggle between politicians who were
democratically elected and those who still find it hard to accept the
verdict of the public. But this is hardly the main struggle. What unfolds in
Gaza is a battleground between America's and Israel's local proxies -- most
of whom are unintentionally such proxies but none the less they dance to
Israel's tune -- and those who oppose it. The opposition that now took over
Gaza did it alas in a way that one would find very hard to condone or cheer.
It is not the Hamas' Palestinian vision that is worrying, but rather the
means it has chosen to achieve it that we hope would not be rooted or
repeated. To its credit one should openly say that the means used by Hamas
are part of an arsenal that enabled it in the past to be the only active
force that at least tried to stop the total destruction of Palestine; the
way it is used now is less credible and hopefully temporary.

But one cannot condemn the means if one does not offer an alternative.
Standing idle while the American-Israeli vision of strangling the Strip to
death, cleansing half of the West bank from its indigenous population and
threatening the rest of the Palestinians -- inside Israel and in the other
parts of the West Bank -- with transfer, is not an option. It is tantamount
to "decent" people’s silence during the Holocaust.

We should not tire from mentioning the alternative in the 21st century: BDS
-- Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions -- as an emergency measure -- far more
effective and far less violent -- in opposing the present destruction of
Palestine. And at the same time talk openly, convincingly and efficiently,
of creating the geography of peace. A geography in which abnormal phenomena
such as the imprisonment of small portion of the land would disappear. There
will be no more, in the vision we should push forward, a human prison camp
called the Gaza strip where some armed inmates are easily pitted against
each other by a callous warden. Instead that area would return to be an
organic part of an Eastern Mediterranean country that has always offered the
best as a meeting point between East and West.

Never before, in the light of the Gaza tragedy, has the twofold strategy of
BDS and a one state solution, shined so clearly as the only alternative
forward. If any of us are members in Palestine solidarity groups,
Arab-Jewish dialogue circles or part of civil society's effort to bring
peace and reconciliation to Palestine -- this is a time to put aside all the
false strategies of coexistence, road maps and two states solutions. They
have been and still are sweet music to the ears of the Israeli demolition
team that threatens to destroy what is left of Palestine. Beware especially
of Diet Zionists or Closet Zionists, who recently joined the campaign, in
Britain and elsewhere against the BDS effort. Like those enlightened pundits
who used liberal organs in the United Kingdom, such as The Guardian, to
explain to us at length how dangerous is the proposed academic boycott on
Israel. They have never expended so much time, energy or words on the
occupation itself as they did in the service of the ethnic cleansing of
Palestine. UNISON, Britain’s large public service trade union, must not be
deterred by this backlash and it should follow these brave academics who
endorsed the debate on the boycott, as should Europe as a whole: not only
for the sake of Palestine and Israel, but also if it wishes to bring a
closure to the Holocaust chapter in its history.

And a final small portion of food for thought. There are quite a few Jewish
mothers and wives in the Gaza Strip -- some sources within Gaza say up to
2000 -- married to local Palestinians and parents to their children. There
are many more Jewish women who married Palestinians in the Palestine
countryside. An act of desegregation that both political elites find
difficult to admit, digest or acknowledge. If despite the colonization,
occupation, genocidal policies and dispossession such harmonies of love and
affection were possible, imagine what could happen if these criminal
policies and ideologies would disappear. When the Wall of Apartheid is
removed and the electric fences of Zionism dismantled -- Gaza will become
once more a symbol of Fernand Braudel's coastal society, able to fuse
different cultural horizons and offer a space for new life instead of the
war zone it has become in the last sixty years.

Ilan Pappe is senior lecturer in the University of Haifa Department of
political Science and Chair of the Emil Touma Institute for Palestinian
Studies in Haifa. His books include, among others, The Making of the
Arab-Israeli Conflict (London and New York 1992), The Israel/Palestine
Question (London and New York 1999), A History of Modern Palestine
(Cambridge 2003), The Modern Middle East (London and New York 2005) and his
latest, Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (2006).